For most American families, a house is the biggest purchase they will ever make. It is also the main way ordinary people have built wealth across generations. Keeanga-Yamahtta Taylor’s Race for Profit asks what happened when the federal government finally helped Black families buy homes, and why the result was so often loss rather than gain.
Quick answer: Race for Profit (2019) argues that after the era of open housing discrimination, federal programs in the late 1960s and 1970s brought low-income Black buyers into the market on terms that let lenders, brokers and speculators profit from their risk. Taylor calls this “predatory inclusion”: access that arrives together with exploitation.
Who Is Keeanga-Yamahtta Taylor, and Why Did She Write This Book?
Keeanga-Yamahtta Taylor is a scholar of African American studies who teaches at Princeton University. She is also known for From #BlackLivesMatter to Black Liberation, a study of the modern movement against police violence. Race for Profit was published by the University of North Carolina Press in 2019.
The book grew out of a puzzle. Historians had documented in detail how redlining, restrictive covenants and discriminatory lending kept Black families out of the housing boom that followed World War II. But what happened after the 1960s, when Congress and the courts moved against open discrimination? Taylor wanted to know whether the end of exclusion meant the start of fairness.
Her answer draws on archival records, government reports, congressional hearings and accounts from homeowners themselves. She focuses especially on the 1968 to 1970s period and on several major cities. It is a work of history, but it is also meant to explain why the wealth gap between Black and white families has proved so durable.
The Central Argument in Plain Language
The old story of housing discrimination is simple: Black families were kept out. Taylor argues that the next chapter is more complicated, and in some ways harder to see. In the late 1960s, in the wake of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, the Fair Housing Act of 1968 and the urban unrest of those years, Washington pushed to extend mortgage credit to people who had been shut out.
But the programs that did this relied on private lenders, brokers, appraisers and investors, all of whom needed to earn a profit. The government insured the loans, which meant private firms could make money even when buyers struggled. In Taylor’s account, that arrangement created an incentive to sell as many houses as possible, including houses in poor condition, with little concern for whether the family could keep up.
Her term for the result is predatory inclusion. Black buyers were included in the market, but on terms that exposed them to higher costs, shoddy properties and a high risk of foreclosure. The outcome was not a failure to reach a stable middle class. It was a system in which the failure itself produced revenue.
Being let into a market is not the same as being treated fairly inside it.
Key Ideas in the Book
1. Predatory inclusion
This is the concept the book is built around. It describes a market that opens its doors to a group it once excluded, but sets terms that shift the risk onto that group and the profit onto someone else. It differs from simple exclusion, and it differs from fair inclusion. It is access with a catch.
2. The legacy of redlining and exclusion
Taylor starts with the earlier history. From the 1930s onward, federal agencies and private lenders mapped neighborhoods by perceived risk, and Black neighborhoods were routinely marked as the worst. Federal mortgage insurance helped build the white suburban middle class while largely bypassing Black families. The book treats this as the foundation, not the whole story. For wider context, see our guide to how policy shaped wealth in America.
3. The 1968 turn toward Black homeownership
After the Fair Housing Act and a period of intense urban unrest, policymakers of different political views came to see homeownership as a way to promote stability and opportunity. The idea was that giving people a stake in a neighborhood would reduce poverty and unrest. Taylor takes the stated goals seriously, and she shows that many officials and advocates sincerely believed in them. The problem she traces lies in how the plan was carried out.
4. Government insurance and private profit
Under the programs she examines, the federal government insured loans against default. That protected lenders and made it easy for them to approve risky buyers and risky houses. Because the government absorbed much of the loss, some private firms had little reason to care whether a house was sound or a buyer could afford it. This is a classic incentive problem: the people making decisions did not bear the full cost of being wrong.
5. Real estate as an extractive business
Taylor describes how brokers and speculators could buy run-down houses cheaply, make cosmetic repairs, and sell them at a markup to buyers who had few alternatives. When the buyers later fell behind, the houses reverted to the lender or the government, and the cycle could repeat. Families lost savings and sometimes their credit. Whole blocks of vacant houses followed, which hurt neighborhoods and city budgets.
6. Homeowner voices and resistance
The book does not treat Black buyers as passive victims. It describes homeowners and activists, including women organizing around welfare and housing rights, who protested, sued and pressed Congress and federal agencies. Their efforts led to hearings, investigations and reforms, though Taylor argues the changes did not fully correct the underlying incentives.
7. Why “access” is not the same as “equity”
This is the book’s broadest lesson. Policies that widen access without changing who carries the risk can reproduce old inequalities in a new form. Taylor connects this to later developments, including the subprime lending boom of the early 2000s, in which borrowers of color were disproportionately targeted with expensive loans. Whether that connection fully holds is something reviewers have debated, as discussed below.
What Supporters Say the Book Gets Right
Admirers argue that Race for Profit fills a real gap. Much writing about housing discrimination stops at the Fair Housing Act, leaving the impression that the problem was solved when open exclusion ended. Taylor shows that the years after 1968 were not a clean break, and that policy design matters as much as policy intent.
Supporters also praise its use of archival evidence and its attention to how markets actually function. It does not rely on a single villain. It shows how agencies, lenders, brokers and appraisers each responded to their own incentives, and how those separate choices added up to a harmful whole.
Many readers also value the way it connects past and present. The book helps explain why homeownership, which is so closely tied to wealth in America, has paid off so differently for different groups. It sits comfortably alongside other work on this topic, including our summary of The Sum of Us.

Main Critiques and Debates
Scholars and reviewers across the spectrum have raised questions about the book. These are worth taking seriously, and they do not all point in the same direction.
| Critique | What critics say | How supporters respond |
|---|---|---|
| Economic forces vs. race | Deindustrialization, job loss and falling tax bases in major cities also hurt homeowners of every background. Some economists argue these forces explain more of the outcome than the book allows. | Taylor documents that these forces and race worked together, and that Black buyers faced worse terms than white buyers in the same conditions. |
| Scope and generalization | The book focuses on particular cities and programs. Critics ask whether those cases represent the whole country or the whole period. | Supporters say the cases are well documented and illustrate patterns visible in national records and hearings. |
| Motive and incentive | Some readers, including those who favor market-oriented explanations, say the book underestimates how much of the harm came from poor program design and weak oversight rather than racial intent. | Taylor herself emphasizes profit incentives, and many readers see this as consistent with the critique rather than opposed to it. |
| Policy lessons | Some argue the story shows the dangers of government guarantees that distort lending. Others argue it shows the need for stronger regulation. The book does not settle which lesson is right. | Supporters say the book’s job is to document what happened, and that readers can reasonably draw different policy conclusions. |
It helps to separate three layers here. The facts, such as the existence of the programs and the high rates of foreclosure and neighborhood decline, are well documented. The interpretations, such as how much to attribute to racial bias versus market incentives, are contested. And the values, such as how much responsibility government should bear and how much regulation is wise, are where readers will legitimately differ.
When risk is insured and profit is private, the people deciding often do not pay for being wrong.
How It Connects to American Systems and Incentives Today
The book is history, but its logic reaches into the present. At its core, it is about what happens when the government guarantees a product, private firms deliver it, and the people receiving it have little bargaining power. That structure shows up in many corners of American life, from housing to student loans to health care.
It also connects to how we think about homeownership as a wealth-building tool. Because a home is typically the largest asset a family owns, differences in who can buy, on what terms and in which neighborhoods ripple across generations. Our guide to who has power in America explains how incentives like these shape decisions inside institutions.
Readers interested in the other side of the housing market, renting and eviction, may also want our summary of Evicted. For the longer arc of Black migration and the search for opportunity, see The Warmth of Other Suns. And for a broader view of how history shapes the present, our guide to American history that explains today is a good starting point.
One caution. Housing programs, lending rules and consumer protections change over time. If you want to know how current rules work, check official sources such as the Department of Housing and Urban Development and the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau rather than relying on a historical account. Nothing here is legal or financial advice.

Who Should Read This Book
This is a good fit for readers who want to understand why the racial wealth gap persists, for people interested in how federal policy and private markets interact, and for anyone curious about the history behind current housing debates. It is more academic than a typical trade book, and some chapters are dense, but the central argument is clear and the stories of individual homeowners keep it grounded. Those seeking essential reads about power and politics will find Taylor’s analysis particularly valuable.
It may also appeal to readers skeptical of the thesis. A careful reader who disagrees with parts of the argument will still find a rich body of documented history to argue with, which is a better starting point than a slogan.
Pairing suggestions
- Evicted by Matthew Desmond, for the renter’s side of the housing story.
- The Sum of Us by Heather McGhee, for how inequality affects everyone.
- The Warmth of Other Suns by Isabel Wilkerson, for the human story of the Great Migration.
- Savage Inequalities by Jonathan Kozol, for how housing and school funding connect.
- Thinking in Systems by Donella Meadows, for a toolkit to understand feedback and incentives.
For more options, browse our reading list by theme or the full Books & Big Ideas category. If you are looking for a wider survey, our upcoming guide to the best books on American history will help.
Key takeaways
- Race for Profit (2019) examines what happened after open housing discrimination was challenged in the late 1960s and 1970s.
- Its central idea, predatory inclusion, describes access to a market that comes with exploitative terms.
- Government-insured loans combined with private profit motives created incentives that often left buyers, and neighborhoods, worse off.
- Critics debate how much to credit race versus broader economic forces, and what policy lessons to draw.
- The book is best read as documented history that invites argument, not as a final word.
- For current housing rules, check official sources rather than relying on any single book.

Questions for a Reading Group
Think about it:
- Taylor argues that access to a market is not the same as fair treatment within it. Can you think of other examples, past or present, where that distinction matters?
- If government insurance shifted risk away from lenders, how might that change the way each party behaved? What safeguards could have changed the incentives?
- How much of the outcome do you attribute to racial bias, how much to economic conditions, and how much to program design? What evidence would help you decide?
- Many policymakers at the time sincerely believed homeownership would help families. What does the book suggest about the gap between good intentions and good results?
- What would a fair path to homeownership look like, and who should bear the risk when things go wrong?
Disagreement over these questions is healthy. If you want to hold a good conversation about them, our guide on how to talk about politics with family offers practical tips.
Frequently asked questions
Who wrote Race for Profit and when was it published?
Keeanga-Yamahtta Taylor, a scholar of African American studies, wrote it. The University of North Carolina Press published it in 2019. It draws on archival records, government documents and accounts from homeowners to examine federal housing programs in the 1960s and 1970s.
What does predatory inclusion mean?
It describes a situation in which a group long shut out of a market is finally let in, but on terms that expose it to unusual risk and cost. The access is real, but so is the exploitation built into the terms. Taylor applies the idea to Black homebuyers in the late 1960s and 1970s.
Is Race for Profit a story about redlining?
Partly. The book begins with the long history of redlining and exclusion, then focuses on what came after: federal programs that opened homeownership to low-income Black buyers while leaving them exposed to bad properties, weak oversight and fraud. Its central subject is that second phase.
What are the main criticisms of the book?
Critics have asked whether the book gives enough weight to broader economic forces such as deindustrialization, whether its focus on a few cities generalizes, and whether it attributes too much to racial motive rather than to market incentives. Supporters respond that it documents how race and profit worked together.
Do I need a background in economics or housing policy to read it?
No. The book is written for general readers and academics alike. Some passages on mortgage insurance and real estate practice are dense, but Taylor explains the mechanics as she goes. A basic familiarity with the Federal Housing Administration helps but is not required.